The Chartered Institute of Housing’s report from the Independent Commission on the Future for Housing in Northern Ireland is published today. It's a terrific achievement and to be warmly welcomed.The report's three most important features are, in my opinion, the proposal for a Northern Ireland Housing Strategy; the emphasis on the importance of housing for the economy; and the need for greater coherence between housing and planning policy. It places less emphasis than I would have liked on housing support for people with special needs such as mental health problems and physical disability.
However, this being Northern Ireland, many people will be turning first to the section on housing divisions by religious background and also by income.
The section begins with some rather misleading statistics citing the most extreme figures for small area religious segregation in Belfast’s Housing Executive estates as if they are for the whole of Northern Ireland and for all social housing. The situation outside Belfast is much more varied, unsurprisingly (there is a second NIHE report covering this, but I can't find a web link). Then, for contrast, we are told that the Life and Times Survey says 80% of us want to live in a mixed religion neighbourhood. Perhaps we know what to tell the nice person with the clipboard, or perhaps it’s a genuine aspiration but, for some, not quite the right time. Whatever the reason, as the Commission accepts, the problem has always been how to instil a sufficient sense of security to encourage individuals to make the move.
The Good Friday Agreement aspires to ‘the promotion of a culture of tolerance at every level of society, including initiatives to facilitate and encourage integrated education and mixed housing’. More pragmatically, the Housing Executive, which is in charge of allocating social housing, promises in its community cohesion policy to ‘support individual housing choice whether it is exercised in favour of single identity or mixed neighbourhoods’. That’s because the closer you get to having to deal with the consequences of getting it wrong, the more cautious you have to be.
The Commission’s consultation document last year reported mixed views about the speed of change, with some urging a more prescriptive approach but most endorsing the Housing Executive’s existing method of promoting greater sharing where there is support for it on the ground – as does the final report. One suggestion is that a different way of allocating social housing, called choice based lettings, could help housing applicants to be more proactive in selecting a mixed religion area. The economic crisis may be a further driver. The report notes that segregated housing is an inefficient use of land. It doesn’t say that the current practice of spending public money on building new houses in one area while others nearby lie empty will become increasingly untenable as budgets shrink.
The report’s discussion of housing segregation by income will be less familiar to many in NI. Housing tenure is usually a proxy for income: in other words the poorest people live in social housing, and nowadays quite often also in the private rented sector, with richer people owning their own homes or renting more expensive property from a private landlord. The housing policy orthodoxy is that ‘mixed tenure’ schemes will dilute deprivation, create better environments and encourage social mixing between people of different backgrounds. Unfortunately, the actual evidence on mixing is patchy – it appears that no amount of social engineering can make you talk to your neighbour if you don’t want to. However, there’s no doubt that the alternative of living in a highly disadvantaged area is worse in other ways, and from that point of view the report is right to point out that mixed tenure reduces ‘stigma and social disadvantage’. But it’s unrealistic to propose that ‘mixed tenure developments should become the norm by 2015’, not least because some people with purchasing power will never choose to live in them. Small amounts of new social housing (say, 6 houses, or a block of 6 - 8 flats) in more affluent areas create mix in a different way - but that might upset influential people.
The most contentious point comes when the report tries to link the two forms of segregation, proposing that ‘mixed tenure schemes could also play a part in breaking down the barriers of the religious divide. Not least because there is less propensity to live separately as people become better off’. This is a new angle on the idea that mixed tenure somehow modifies the bad habits of the poor, in this case sectarianism. Although I am prepared to be corrected, I have never seen this connection made in the academic literature and it may be significant that it’s worded very conditionally. Now it may be that more affluent areas are less segregated, although more research is needed. But moving into a new mixed tenure scheme isn’t going to be like moving to Malone or Culmore.
It has taken the Housing Executive ten years to get from commissioning a report on how to promote integrated housing to the current, still small scale, shared housing programme. Any attempt to introduce a new model fusing both mixed religion and mixed income housing will also require a great deal of preparation and should be handled with care.
6 comments:
Hi Jenny,
i wander over here guided by my friend Rab's blog. I'm a Londoner interested in housing who occasionally works for the NIHE on bits and bobs. So obviously I was attracted to this post.
Can I ask a simple minded question out of ignorance? Is it true that, at a political level, it is the 'cross-community' groups like the Alliance party who draw most of their support from the middle-upper reaches of the social scale? So won't the mixed tenure development model - if it works - tend to break down concentrated voting blocs in particular areas even if there is no actual increase in mixed, as opposed to sectarian, patterns of settlement?
Now this is a long way from actually promoting any sort of community cohesion or - old fashioned word coming up - neighbourliness of course. But elected politicians, even in Norn Iron, do get to make lots of tiny decisions which, cumulatively, change the nature of place. & having a more mixed set of representatives in any given area might help the process along of unfreezing the community based patterns of settlement, however slowly.
But I'm conscious I don't really know the ground I'm speculating about. So I'd be interested in your thoughts.
Hi Charlie, great to discover your blog and also your interesting comments at Rab's.
I see what you're saying, but I think the sort of people who vote Alliance also like to live in mixed community areas, as well as being better off, and so they wouldn't be inclined to move into a highly segregated area even if they could buy a nice house there.
Also part of the reason why these other parties get support in disadvantaged areas is that they work hard for their constituents - both SF and the DUP have good reputations for this, and if you need something done (or something stopped) in your street then that's the most important thing come next elections.
Alliance only get about 6% of the vote across NI anyway, and don't put up candidates everywhere. While not wanting to take anything away from Naomi Long's fantastic victory in East Belfast, they have a long way to go before they are serious competitors with the big four.
I think we're going to need a change in the Assembly's structures before voting patterns change, and it still may mean a generation of chipping away at the tribal vote before there is real change. Did you see the Belfast Telegraph series of articles last week? - links in my most recent post.
Thanks for the reply Jenny.
Yes, I read your article in the BT (because my friend Rab said it was good!)
Now, as a once-upon-a-time CPGB member (Eurocommunist variety) who still has a pile of old Marxism Today's mouldering in his loft I am naturally sympathetic to the idea of a popular front.
But - and I don't say this cruelly, because it proved also the downfall of such efforts on this side of the Irish Sea - isn't the basic problem that, ahem, popular fronts haven't proved very popular? Simply putting together lots of very small unpopular causes doesn't give you anything except a front of unpopular causes...
Stepping down a level from the directly political and back to the subject of this post, I can quite imagine that current Alliance voters want to live in already mixed areas. But, as I understand it, one of the key longterm problems the NIHE faces is the shifting demographic pattern,such that areas traditionally seen as 'belonging' to the unionist/prod community are becoming depopulated and the areas 'belonging' to the nationalist/republican/catholic population are bursting at the seams? Or so my friends in the NIHE sometimes mutter any way. So it would seem something has to give.
In England, very few people would now advocate 'one class' large scale housing developments consisting just of socially rented housing - hence the default preference for mixed tenure development. It ain't about 'modifying the bad habits of the poor', it's about avoiding the social apartheid of the big estates.
I'll take your word for the lack of an academic literature on whether this approach might work in the context of Norn Iron sectarianism, but the idea is immediately attractive to me at gut level - and I even dare to dream that it might prove a genuinely cross community and popular cause
Hi Charlie, You are right that the left has always been very bad at presenting its ideas to the punters, although the Marxism Today crowd seemed to do a bit better I remember. I think there coudl be severe difficulties with a popular front in NI, no question, but my suggestion that we try it is based it being within our control - the problem with Labour in NI has been that we've been waiting for Dublin or London to give us the go ahead to stand in elections and neither will do so. The other difference is that many PFs are not electorally based whereas this one would be, thus automatically excluding a proportion of headbangers who don't really want to engage with ordinary people. I would hope that a group of lefty party types and individuals (the 3rd difference) would be able to come up with some very definitely popular proposals to take into electoral forums.
In terms if housing, you are absilutely right that the spatial problem is getting increasingly serious, and with cuts on the way it's becoming increasingly untenable to build in some areas when housing elsewhere lies empty. I'm just about to start some small-scale research for the NIHE on this subject, with a colleague from UU. It appears that the private market is adjusting, with the private rented sector playing an important part, but the issue remains what to do in the most contested areas which are mainly social housing and allocated according to need e.g. North Belfast.
I understand what you're saying about mixed tenure and the point is that although it's not the social panacea policy-makers think it is, it's better for low income people than the alternative. Problem is, how to make it attractive for people who have a choice. IMO the most effective strategy may well be to move small numbers of social housing tenants into street properties in more affluent areas anyway. And would I mind if this happened in my area? Intrinsically no - but if the family caused problems in the neighbourhood then of course I woudl expect the landlord to do something - and a social landlord may well be more responsive than a private one.
Will post again on this topic, as I can link it to the research as it develops.
I'm not sure moving tenants into street properties is necessarily an alternative to building mixed developments, so much as a complementary strategy. Much depends on the context of course, and I'll freely admit I know little of N.Irish housing 'on the ground'.
So I can only be explicit about my default assumptions based on being a Londoner:
1. The 'mix' in mixed development housing often comes, in large part at least, from people stepping onto the shared ownership ladder, or people buying keyworker starter homes, who might have otherwise have stayed as tenants. It's less often about people already in owner occupied stock who choose to move into the new estates.
2. How attractive this is as an option, to what proportion of people, depends to a great extent on the relative costs of home ownership and renting. There are parts of England with very high home ownership rates but very low average incomes (Barrow, West Cumbria generally for instance) because the cost of buying housing is so low. It ain't like that round where I am to put it mildly! So people 'further up' (sic) the socio economic scale are prepared to go for shared ownership /starter homes and create something of a social mix.
Neither of these things may be true in N.Ireland. I'll look forward to you blogging about your research.
Ironically though, in my own field of supported housing, I'm told there is a very odd geographical geographical 'mix' (by London standards) of certain sorts of provision. Almost everywhere in England offender housing is situated in fairly run down areas, for instance. But in Norn Iron such areas are often, ahem, 'community interface areas' as I believe your local jargon has it. A moment's thought about the nature of the offences that might have caused people to end up needing to be given a halfway house on coming out of custody suggests why it might not be such a brilliant idea to put N.Irish offender housing in such places. So I*'m told it tends to be disproportionately located in your leafy suburbs - and certain I've seen quite a number of such scheme in such places.
Charlie, your points about mixed tenure are important and why I refer, perhaps unfairly, to the policy as mixing with poor and the not quite so poor together whereas the policy is usually presented as leading to a wider mix than this. The question of costs exposes this. In NI, shared ownership is an attractive option, not only due to price but perhaps partly because it's easy to do as we have one HA responsible for it (Co-Ownership HA, have a look at their web site).
Interesting point you make about certain types of supported housing, I didn't realise that.
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